This can be called the fundamental problem of social life. Since Darwin's theory explains adaptations only on the basis of differential survival and reproduction, it appears unable to explain groups as adaptive units. Unfortunately, individuals who possess these behaviors do not necessarily survive and reproduce better than individuals who enjoy the benefits and do not share the costs. We would expect members of the flock to adopt the creed ‘all for one and one for all.’ We might expect sentries to be posted at all times to detect predators at the earliest possible moment and to relay the information to feeding members of the flock. It is easy to imagine a bird flock as an adaptive unit and to predict its properties. These two examples show that the evolutionary concept of adaptation does not always conform to the intuitive concept, especially at the group level. If these suppositions are correct, then birds that do not scan the horizon and that remain silent when they do see a predator will survive and reproduce better than their more vigilant neighbors. If uttering a cry attracts the attention of the predator, the sentinel places itself at risk by warning others. If scanning the horizon detracts from feeding, the most vigilant birds will gather less food than their more oblivious neighbors. It is not obvious that the most vigilant individuals will survive and reproduce better than the least vigilant. Imagine a flock of birds that vary in their tendency to scan the horizon for predators and to utter a call when one is spotted. Now consider the same process for a social adaptation, such as members of a group warning one another about approaching predators. Anyone who has beheld an insect that looks exactly like a leaf, right down to the veins and simulated herbivore damage, cannot fail to be impressed by the power of natural selection to evolve breathtaking adaptations at the individual level. If offsprings resemble their parents, then the average individual will become more cryptic with every generation. Every generation, the most conspicuous individuals are detected and eaten by predators while the most cryptic individuals survive and reproduce. Imagine a population of insects that varies in the degree to which they match their background. To see why, consider the evolution of a nonsocial adaptation, such as cryptic coloration. In particular, group-level adaptations are not as easy to explain as individual-level adaptations. All intentional processes are probably rooted in a process of blind variation and selective retention (Campbell 1960).Įvolution explains adaptations but it is not nearly as permissive as supernatural explanations. Human artifacts have a purpose and did not evolve by natural selection in a proximate sense, but the ability of humans to make artifacts with a purpose itself presumably evolved by natural selection. Darwin provided the first successful scientific theory of adaptations, which remains today the only theory in an ultimate sense. Prior to Darwin, supernatural agents provided the most ready explanation of purpose and order at all levels, from celestial bodies, to human society, to the actions of individual people and other creatures. Wilson, in International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences, 2001 1 Evolution and the Fundamental Problem of Social Life Thus, maps record both the history of astronomy and space exploration and a broader cultural response to those endeavors.ĭ.S. Some science fiction works contain maps reflecting contemporary knowledge of their settings, which may help shape public awareness of the planets. Many planetary maps since 1990 are digital products, and the reduced number of maps published on paper may compromise historical studies. Forty-two worlds had been mapped from planetary spacecraft data by 1999, and 18 more by telescopic means. Following Apollo, robotic spacecraft traveled to other planets. Extensive systematic mapping of the Moon supported the Apollo landings and was augmented with data from those flights. Spacecraft flights to the Moon and planets have generated many maps for planning, operational use during the mission, and depiction of results. Though other worlds were more difficult targets, 10 bodies beyond Earth had been mapped before the Space Age. Telescopic observations after 1609 permitted detailed lunar mapping. The earliest known are carvings of lunar markings at Knowth, Ireland (2800 BC), the related ground plan of Stonehenge, and Egyptian depictions of the Moon as an eye. Planetary car tography is the making or study of maps of planets and other celestial bodies. Stooke, in International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences, 2001

Study of heavenly bodies